Abstract painting, atonal music and stream of consciousness literature are often placed at the hegemonic centre of modernism. However, modernism also found expression in architecture, poetry, design, advertising, film, dance, fashion and various interdisciplinary forms. The long-standing canonical approach to modernism limited it geographically to the West, especially to the metropolises, temporally from the 1900s to the 1950s, and strongly to so-called high culture. The New Modernist Studiesthat have developed since the turn of the 21st century seek to push these boundaries and consider modernism as a transnational spread of influences beyond the Western focus.[3]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n At the same time, there is a debate about whether the term \u201cmodernism\u201d \u2013 whose canon has long been strongly masculine, heteronormative, English-centred and literary \u2013 is any longer appropriate. As modernism expands to encompass very different aesthetics and expressions, the terminology associated with it also refers to a great variety of phenomena that do not necessarily have clear common denominators. The terms modern, modernism and modernity therefore remain without a clear definition precisely because of their contextual nature, and may also cover contradictory or even opposing meanings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The term \u201cmodern dance\u201d refers to a form of dance modernism that sought alternatives to the technique, movement language and themes of classical ballet. The various trends in modern dance began to develop in the early 20th century, characterised by a movement language and technique based on each choreographer\u2019s personal style.[4]<\/a> To limit dance modernism to a formalist choreography that emphasises only the form of movement is to cover a very narrow area of this phenomenon. Indeed, dance as an art form expressing the experience of modern life has replaced the earlier idea of modernism as a kind of gradual development towards an increasingly abstract movement.[5]<\/a> It is also important to see various forms of popular culture, from cabaret to musicals, and new social dances as expressions of modernism. Moreover, in dance, international interaction was particularly active, for example in comparison with language-based forms that required translation.[6]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n The new modernist research raised the visibility of dance as part of modernism, while at the same time increasing the cross-artistic perspective. Instead of a linear narrative, modernism evolves as a complex international rhizome in which different artistic disciplines, such as literature, music, visual arts or dance, are in constant interaction with each other. For example, expressionist Wassily Kandinsky collaborated with dancer Alexander Sacharoff and Mary Wigman\u2019s student Gret Palucca.[7]<\/a> Pablo Picasso and Joan Mir\u00f3 contributed to the Ballets Russes\u2019 performances with their costumes and sets. (see <\/strong>The Russian Ballet of Diaghilev (and a Few Others)<\/a>) In this interdisciplinary activity, dance participated in a modernist exchange of ideas from a central bodily perspective. The ephemerality of dance appealed to the other arts. At the same time, it seemed to have a particular potential to embody the fluidity, polyphony and certain contradictions of experience of modern society.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n In one sense, the development of modernisms began in the 19th century, but from the 20th century onwards its various expressions grew exponentially and in very different directions. On both sides of the turn of the last century, dancers[9]<\/a> began to look to create meaning in new ways that were not based on imitation of reality (mimesis<\/em>). The academic traditions and techniques of dance art, perceived as rigid, were replaced by new means of expression and methodologies. Dance modernism encompasses a range of different expressions of dance, reflecting very different experiences of the social events of the period: wars, revolutions and politics, the development of science and technology, industrialisation or the emergence of a consumer society. Some expressions of dance modernism are thus even opposites of each other.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Technological developments offered artists new means of expression. In Paris, a major art centre of the fin de si\u00e8cle, <\/em>Lo\u00efe Fuller (1862\u20131928) rose to fame with her multi-artistic performances that combined dance and technology. In 1892, Fuller\u2019s Serpentine Dance was the main attraction of the famous variety theatre Folies Berg\u00e8re. In the dance, Fuller moved multimetric fabrics, on whose moving surface different colours and patterns could be projected thanks to the lighting design she developed. Fuller\u2019s use of technology to create illusion succeeded in capturing the aspirations of art nouveau in dance.[10]<\/a> Her popularity was so overwhelming that at the 1900 Paris World\u2019s Fair she was given her own theatre and became the symbol of the entire exhibition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n American actress Lo\u00efe Fuller started her career as an actress, touring vaudeville and burlesque stages as a teenager, not only in the United States but also in Europe. While working at London\u2019s Gaiety Theatre in 1889, Fuller learned the skirt dancefrom its famous late 19th century performer, Letty Lind.[11]<\/a> In the skirt dance, the dancer\u2019s twirls and leg lifts were accentuated by the movement of the skirt. Fuller\u2019s dance evolved from this skirt dance when she dressed up a long skirt in an empire-style dress, increasing the reflective surface of the light and the surface area of the moving fabric. At the same time, the movement of the fabric became the main means of expression in the performance.[12]<\/a> This was in contrast to the dancing on burlesque stages, for example, where the large skirt was primarily a decorative frame for the presentation of the female body.[13]<\/a> Gradually, Fuller used ever larger fabrics and held long sticks in her hands to extend the range of movement of the fabric. In the performances, the dancer\u2019s body expanded into space as a movement of the fabric on the one hand, and disappeared invisibly into the folds of the fabric on the other.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The dance also has another, lesser-mentioned source of inspiration: the performances of Indian dancers that Fuller saw in Paris at the end of the millennium. Anthea Kraut has shown that Serpentine Dance contains kinaesthetic traces of the spirals and twists of Indian dancers. <\/em>Inaddition to seeing Indian dancers, Fuller had performed in several oriental music hallor burlesque shows that used floating canvases to build a fantasy.[14]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Fuller was a tireless practitioner, researcher and experimenter in both movement and lighting design.[15]<\/a> For her, dance was a combination of art and technology: a fusion of aesthetic, creative process and technical skill, where the movement of light and colour on the canvas could be calculated systematically. The Serpentine Dance evolved from its 1892 premiere into versions using increasingly larger fabrics and more complex light effects. Fuller darkened the space for her performance, which was new for dance performances. The technical complexity of the dances is illustrated by the fact that they required the work of 20 technicians to succeed.[16]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n During the golden age of Parisian cabaret, dancers and actors were also superstars of the emerging popular culture, and \u201cLa Lo\u00efe\u201d danced on famous advertising posters painted by Henri de Tolouse-Lautrec and Jules Ch\u00e9ret.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Serpentine Dance quickly gained imitators on both sides of the Atlantic, and Fuller defended her copyright by suing the copiers of her dances. She also tried to patent the dance she had invented, but lost the lawsuit because it was not narrative or character-based. The court decision remained the precedent for choreography copyright cases in the United States until 1976.[17]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div><\/details>\n\n\n\n The experience of the modern world was also accompanied by a fear of the adverse effects of a rapidly industrialising and urbanising society.[18]<\/a> It was believed to destroy the physical wellbeing of the body, and this was counterbalanced by an emphasis on the importance of body culture. As early as the 1830s, various body techniques were developed and disseminated in Europe and the United States.[19]<\/a> They laid the foundations for the development of early modern dance forms, which were also seen as a way of balancing the consuming nature of the modern world with the health-giving effect of natural, free and flowing movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Various forms of natural dance and movement took inspiration from, for example, romanticising ancient Greece. Isadora Duncan (1877\u20131927) is perhaps the best-known representative of the school that believed in the natural movement. When the American Duncan settled in Paris in 1900, \u201cGreek dance\u201d was already a well-known phenomenon. However, she rose to unprecedented popularity by emphasising the link between body control and the development of spiritual qualities. Duncan\u2019s dance was simple, with everyday movements that defied natural harmony, such as running, jumping, walking and steps from social dances such as the waltz and polka. Although the choreographies were carefully rehearsed, Duncan aimed for a complete impression of spontaneity: the idea of improvised movement that occurs in the moment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The relationship between dance and sexuality was so strong that women\u2019s public performances in theatres were seen as very dubious. Maud Allan (1873\u20131956) was a famous performer of \u201cGreek dance\u201d and a contemporary of Duncan\u2019s. In the early 20th century, her most famous solo dance, The Vision of Salome <\/em>(1903), inspired by Oscar Wilde\u2019s play, shocked theatre audiences. The dance was interpreted as overtly sexual, even \u201cnudity\u201d, as it combined Greek erotic fantasies with dance.[20]<\/a> Socially, the dancer\u2019s profession was often equated with prostitution, while dance was equated with sexuality and the display of the body. The private salons, a kind of semi-public spaces, were an important support network for female dancers, and enabled Isadora Duncan, for example, to pursue a career as a respectable dancer.[21]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n The change in moral codes after the First World War was important for the breakthrough of free dance. Professional dancing was slowly opening up to the daughters of \u201crespectable\u201d families, and the health benefits of free dancing were an important step in this process. Duncan linked dance prominently to a moral lifestyle, including the role of social dancing in education and the health benefits of dancing.[22]<\/a> Although the solo dancer rose to prominence in various modernist dance forms, performance was not necessarily the main function of dance, but rather dance was practised and taught to others precisely for health and spiritual wellbeing. Michael Huxley sees similar experiences in the writings of many dancers in the 1900s and 1920s. Through dance, something was sought that involved individuality, freedom, naturalness and spirituality in movement, but it was not yet called modern dance.[23]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n After the First World War, the role of women in society changed forever as the \u201cnew woman\u201d became more involved in the workplace and in political and social events. The modern woman was active and independent, and a new conception of leisure included not only a role as a consumer but also self-fulfilment. Dance and the spontaneous expression it brought with it became an important activity for the new woman, both as an educational and social activity. At the same time, the moral rules relating to sexuality and the body were updated. Dance expression was one way of distancing oneself from outdated gender norms that restricted women\u2019s bodily freedom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The relationship between natural dance and dance modernism is not unequivocal, as it also contains strong anti-modernist features. In dance, the link with the past represented a return to a society perceived as better and healthier, a time before the harmful effects of technology and urbanisation on the body. Indeed, Ramsay Burt and Michael Huxley point out that this may have led to natural dance receiving less attention in the study of dance modernisms. However, many practitioners of natural dance had little connection with the development of modernist theatre dance.[24]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Natural movement was the antithesis of the new social dances of the period, such as the tango and ragtime (swing dances), which were popular in the 1910s. Their syncopated rhythms and angular movements represented the degenerate body of the urban metropolis against which the new art dance was fighting. The word \u201cmodern\u201d also referred to the new social dances, so it was not exclusively associated with art dance.[25]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Jazz evolved from blues and ragtime after the First World War in the United States and spread to Europe in the 1920s. The transatlantic touring system of variety theatre ensured that influences moved quickly in both directions and that Black performers in particular sought better pay and more equal work opportunities in Europe, especially after the war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Josephine Baker (1906\u20131975) rose to prominence as a performer at La Revue N\u00e8gre <\/em>(\u201cThe Black Revue\u201d) in Paris in 1925. Her early performances were based on exoticism and the association of uninhibited sexuality with the Black other, and these racist and caricatured dances were performed for white audiences based on the ideas of white managers. White images of \u201cAfricanness\u201d were reflected, for example, in a duet Baker danced with Jo Alex wearing only feathers around her waist and ankles.[26]<\/a> In the 1930s these themes receded and Baker performed as a singer, took ballet lessons from George Balanchine and danced his choreographies in pointe shoes. Katherine Dunham considered Baker a brilliant and versatile performer in singing, dancing and acting.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Baker\u2019s dances were a meeting place for many different kinds of embodiment. Raised in Saint Louis, Missouri, and later living in Harlem, Baker started as a musical theatre dancer on Broadway, but rose to fame in Europe. She is considered a key figure in the spread of jazz music in France, as Baker was the first to dance the Charleston, a fashionable dance for free and independent women in Paris. In 1920s flapper culture, dance was seen as a way for \u201cthe new woman\u201d to be herself and independent in public space. This was also emphasised by the new fashion\u2019s emphasis on straight-line clothing and shorter mid-calf hemlines.<\/p>\n\n\n\n At the same time, in the avant-garde artistic circles of Paris at the beginning of the millennium, ideas about Africa were associated with a positive connotation of freedom and spontaneity.[27]<\/a> The \u201cprimitive\u201d was associated with an experience of authenticity as a counterweight to the bourgeois and rigid culture of modern society. The (white) audiences and critics of the period saw Baker primarily as an exotic and racialised dancer who represented a romanticised \u201cprimitive\u201d modernism. In it, dance and the embodied unity it brought were a salvation from the malaise of modern society.[28]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Jazz music was also seen by the (white) public of the period as both \u201cprimitive\u201d and extremely modern: at once the thrum of jungle drums and the noise of industrial machinery. Dancing, for example in the Charleston, was perceived as a ritualistic surrender to the strong \u201cprimitive\u201d rhythms of jazz. Dance was thus an experience of community and naturalness that had been lost to the degeneration of the modern world.[29]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Readings on Baker\u2019s dance, based on essentialism and mystification, often ignore her skills and achievements. Baker\u2019s dances were based on polyrhythm, which was reflected in the movement of different parts of the body. She was extremely skilled at improvisation, which involved the mastery of certain structures and codes that allowed her to communicate not only with other dancers but also with musicians. Baker\u2019s dancing incorporated Black cultural themes of community and shared history that were linked to pre-diasporic Africa.[30]<\/a> Baker is situated in a continuum of Afrodiasporic rhythm and expression; as typical of the period, her dance had many Africanisms, or features of African or African American dance.[31]<\/a> (see Afrodiasporic and Pan-African Modern Dance<\/a>)<\/p>\n\n\n\n Baker became an instant star in Paris in the 1920s, where she made her debut at the Th\u00e9\u00e2tre des Champs-Elys\u00e9es,[32]<\/a> the same theatre where The Rite of Spring <\/em>had had itsscandalous premiere in 1913. African American performers in particular were the subject of much attention in Europe, and critics noted Baker in a way that would have been impossible for example in New York.[33]<\/a> In the United States, racial segregation caused performers to be treated unequally.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Nicknamed \u201cla Bakaire\u201d in Paris, Baker became not only a famous performer but also a glamour-defying style icon. Baker was also an active civil rights campaigner and anti-racist.[34]<\/a> In Miami in 1950, for example, Baker refused to perform at a whites-only club until her demands for diversity in the audience were met.[35]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n With a few exceptions, Josephine Baker has long been absent from dance historiography, although her popularity and influence on the dance of the period is undeniable. Ramsay Burt suggests that Baker\u2019s invisibility is due not only to the fact that she was a young woman and an African American, but also to the fact that her venues were not the so-called high culture stages.[36]<\/a> Baker\u2019s dance represented ragtime and variety, which was not given artistic status in the dance discourse of the turn of the 20th century.<\/p>\n\n\n\n During the Weimar Republic (1918\u201333), German dance culture was diverse and developed on many kinds of stages. Variety of forms of body culture (K\u00f6rperkultur<\/em>), from gymnastics to nudism or various body techniques and forms of dance expression, flourished. Jazz and the new social dances associated with it spread to nightlife. Germany was heavily influenced by international touring, and in Berlin in particular you could see famous dancers from the United States or Paris. Josephine Baker danced the fashionable Charleston in Berlin for the first time in 1926.[37]<\/a> The Tiller Girls, a group of English origin, delighted audiences with a simultaneously moving dance chorus line, an array of bodies whose movement was like a perfect machine operating with precision.[38]<\/a> This was a period of great political and economic uncertainty. Kate Elswit describes the polyphonic meaning-making of Weimar-era dance as rehearsing modern citizenship, an experimental art reflecting a highly charged period in which anything was possible.[39]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n The new modern dance forms of the period are called Ausdruckstanz <\/em>(dance ofexpression).[40]<\/a> The term usually refers to dance forms that developed in the early 20th century, especially in the German-speaking regions of Central Europe. However, the name was given retrospectively, since from the 1910s to the early 1930s, the new German art dance was called, for example, Absoluter Tanz <\/em>(absolute dance), Freier Tanz <\/em>(free dance), Moderner Tanz <\/em>(modern dance), Neuer k\u00fcnstlerischer Tanz <\/em>(new artistic dance) and Bewegungskunst <\/em>(art of movement).[41]<\/a> The term Ausdruckstanz <\/em>encompasses not only a wide range of very different aesthetics, but also many practical and theoretical approaches to dance. Some of the loose common features among the forms of Ausdruckstanz <\/em>could be the independence of dance from other arts, the connection of movement to emotional and mental processes and to the cosmos, the central role of improvisation and the role of the dancer as a dance maker.[42]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Ausdruckstanz <\/em>was only one part of the diverse body culture and dance of the Weimar period, which encompassed a polyphonic set of dance styles and choreographic languages.[43]<\/a> Dance was strongly present in other arts. In the famous dance scene in Fritz Lang\u2019s Weimar-era silent film Metropolis <\/em>(1927), the humanoid robot dance combines ecstatic dance with stylised and mechanical expression with the aim of an erotic nightclub performance. The Bauhaus also worked with performance. Oskar Schlemmer[44]<\/a> introduced dancers dressed in geometric shapes in his Das Triadische Ballett <\/em>(\u201cTriadic Ballet,\u201d 1922), where costume was a motor for a different kind of physicality: huge swirls of iron wire around the body, golden spheres with no openings for the arms, and long costumes that prevented movement of the knees and hips.[45]<\/a> Many Bauhaus teachers and students were inspired by Gret Palucca\u2019s dance.[46]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n The canonical narrative of German modern dance emphasises the importance of Ausdruckstanz. <\/em>In the Weimar Republic, however, the various modernist dance forms were performed not only in theatres, concert halls, various private spaces and cinemas, but also in popular cabarets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In Germany, the cabarets of the Weimar period were thriving venues, especially in the big cities. The performances consisted of short and varied numbers, including singing, monologues, dancing or pantomimes. Through pungent parody and satire, they dealt with social phenomena and current events. With the end of censorship after the First World War, sexual liberation increased and cabaret performances also began to deal with gender, homosexuality and prostitution. Performances could include nudity. Politics was present in cabaret, and in the last years of Weimar agitprop connected cabaret more strongly to socialism. Politically sophisticated cabaret was often left-wing or left-liberal and therefore fell foul of the National Socialists.[47]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Like many artists of the Weimar period, Valeska Gert (1892\u20131978) was inspired by the nightlife of the metropolises. Another important influence were the Berlin Dadaists and their avant-garde ways of dealing with violent modern life. Gert had some ballet training at a young age and later studied theatre, but above all she became acquainted with expressionism and its theatre, playing small roles under the direction of Max Reinhardt and Otto Falckenberg. By the mid-1920s Gert already had her own style, which, like early expressionist theatre, focused on movement, gesture and expression, and on the inner state of being as the starting point for art. This reduced but precise expression is evident in her early dances, where a single arm movement can contain a range of emotions from joy to anxiety.[48]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Corporeality was Gert\u2019s way of constructing a stinging social critique in which she mocked social rules and bourgeois values. The caricatured characters in the performances ranged from stereotypical portrayals to satire. The characters often highlighted silenced realities. In Gert\u2019s words: \u201cBecause I despised the burgher, I danced all of the people that the upright citizen despised: whores, pimps, depraved souls \u2013 the ones who slipped through the cracks.\u201d[49]<\/a> Perhaps Gert\u2019s best-known work is the chillingly realistic Canaille <\/em>(\u201cThe Prostitute,\u201d 1919). It shows the whole arc of buying sex, from the hip-swinging seduction to the raw sexual act and the woman\u2019s orgasm, all stripped of bourgeois romantic love. Gert also used elements of mass culture, such as circus or boxing, in her performances. Mocking parodies of the Charleston and American variety line-dancing can be found in Vari\u00e9t\u00e9 <\/em>(1920), a commentary on the commercial stereotype of Americanism.[50]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n The precise interpretation of body and facial expressions and the grotesque exaggeration were aesthetically different from other dance phenomena of the period. Gert brought to dance the influences of the theatrical avant-garde, such as the distortion of the grotesque into a caricature, montage, repetition and exaggeration of everyday gestures, and the use of speech and sound as part of the dance.[51]<\/a> Bertolt Brecht admired Gert\u2019s way of distancing the audience on the dance stage. Gert was a regular performer in Brecht\u2019s cabaret Die Rote Revue <\/em>at the M\u00fcnchner Kammerspiel and in his Threepenny Opera <\/em>(1931).<\/p>\n\n\n\n During and after the First World War, the horrors of war were part of Weimar society, and death was ever-present on many levels. Physically and psychologically crippled soldiers could be seen on the streets after the war as a sign of the crippling of Germany itself. Death was a place (topos<\/em>) of authenticity and its treatment in the public space extended to art.[52]<\/a> Valeska Gert\u2019s Der Tod <\/em>(\u201cDeath,\u201d 1922) could even be described as hyper-realistic dance theatre. During the performance, which lasted about two minutes, Gert stood still in silence and embodied death with her upper body and face, with slight changes of gesture, spasms and finally a release of tension. At the time, the work was discussed as direct expression, as death experienced and immersed in by the performer, rather than as imitating (mimesis<\/em>)or performing of death.[53]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n The cabaret performances of Anita Berber (1899\u20131928) were a combination of the macabre and the erotic. Subjects such as morphine or absinthe were inseparable from the performer\u2019s real addictions. The solo Kokain <\/em>(\u201cCocaine,\u201d 1922) lasted seven minutes and, as its name suggests, dealt with the effects of cocaine as a bodily experience. The dancer sometimes moved like an involuntary marionette, with simple steps, between reality and delirium.[54]<\/a> Berber\u2019s performances included dance from all sides, such as very refined and skilfully performed ballet movements or new social dances like ragtime and Charleston.[55]<\/a> The performances were too serious, both in their physical expression and in their themes, to be mere light entertainment; they blurred the line between art and variety. At the same time, it remained unclear how much of the movement was actively produced and how much was the result of the dancer\u2019s own addictive experience. As Berber surrendered to the dance, her body appeared strange and distant, and the dancer may not have been fully aware of this in her performance.[56]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n After the National Socialists came to power, cabarets considered degenerate were closed and Jewish performers were persecuted. Valeska Gert was also branded as unpatriotic and non-German, because of both her critical art and her Jewish heritage. Gert fled to London and from there to the United States, eventually settling in New York, where he opened her famous cabaret Beggar Bar (1941\u201345).[57]<\/a> Social criticism of the Weimar Republic was distant to American audiences, so Gert\u2019s repertoire expanded to include criticism of the Western bourgeoisie.[58]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n After the communist uprisings in the United States after the Second World War, Gert moved back to Europe. She performed and opened new cabarets and appeared in several films, including Federico Fellini\u2019s Giulietta degli spiriti <\/em>(1965). In the 1950s and 60s, Gert\u2019s performances were satires on the National Socialist past and criticisms of post-war West Germany. In the 1970s, Gert appeared on German television talk shows as a strong, unconventional figure in her 80s with black hair and red lips, inspiring the punk movement.[59]<\/a> Dance artists have also explored the figure of Gert and avant-garde art in their work.[60]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Gert is an example of a dancer who was long outside the canon and whose importance was only really reassessed in the 1990s. Like Josephine Baker or Anita Berber, she belongs to the group of performers whose dance does not fit into the canon\u2019s fundamental idea of a healthy and therefore pure body, promoted by dance art, on which the narrative of modern dance has long relied, not only in Germany but also in the United States.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The narrative of the German modern dance canon builds from forms of German body culture (K\u00f6rperkultur<\/em>) towards Ausdruckstanz <\/em>and finally towards the strong and healthy \u201cpure\u201d body idealised by the National Socialists. The central figure in the canon is Rudolf Laban,[61]<\/a> who was born in Austria-Hungary and studied architecture at the \u00c9cole des Beaux-Arts in Paris while taking lessons from a student of Fran\u00e7ois Delsarte<\/a>. Laban founded a dance school in M\u00fcnich in 1912 and began to develop the principles of free dance (Freier Tanz<\/em>) \u2013 a dance that would not be based on fixed steps, music or storytelling.<\/p>\n\n\n\n During the summers, Laban\u2019s art school\u2019s experimental and holistic approach to the arts was at the heart of the Monte Verit\u00e0 community.[62]<\/a> Located in the Swiss Alps, this alternative lifestyle (Lebensreform<\/em>) community sought a return to a simple life and a connection with nature and the self. The idealistic spirit of Monte Verit\u00e0 is reflected in the ritualistic Sonnenfest <\/em>(\u201cFestival of the Sun\u201d) built by Laban in 1917, which began with a sunset dance, continued at midnight with a dance of torches and moonlight demons, and ended at dawn. The 12-hour outdoor performance included a series of movement choirs, a kind of participatory dance, where the energy created by dancing together was central.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Laban\u2019s teaching in the early 1920s was not based on copying steps or postures, but on the dancer\u2019s ability to work with different elements. He valued the dance of Isadora Duncan for its fluidity of movement and composition that maintained an organic continuity.[63]<\/a> Laban\u2019s free dance was based on exploring the body\u2019s functions and movement through improvisation. Like many of his contemporaries, Laban was inspired by various mysticisms, including theosophy, which influenced his understanding of energy. In German modern dance, the intuitive and irrational world of the \u201cprimitive\u201d tribes, believed to be found in the memory of each body, was widely admired.[64]<\/a> It was seen as a counterweight to the sensory and emotional numbing lifestyle of modern society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Rhythm was central to Laban, especially the rhythmic movement of the body (Schwung<\/em>). The body\u2019s inner rhythm became more important than the rhythm provided from outside by the music. Movement could be associated with silence or poetry, for example. Rhythm was believed to connect the dancers\u2019 bodies through vibration in the movement choirs and to build a connection between the bodies and cosmic forces. Laban also sought to understand the nature of movement. Time, weight, space and energy were qualities of movement that contained information about movement and its \u201cnatural\u201d characteristics. The dancer had to develop awareness of the different aspects of movement to a level that went beyond the everyday.[65]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n In the 1920s, the popular movement choirs were central to Laban\u2019s conception of dance art. They were strongly associated with health and dance education, as dance was seen as belonging not only to professionals but also to ordinary citizens. The group exercises and body awareness exercises did not require participants to have any prior knowledge of dance. In addition, the ritualistic nature of the movements brought to the choreography the characteristics of folk and social dances by building a sense of community. In German modern dance, community also fought against the degenerating influence of the modern world.[66]<\/a> The communal experience through participation was stronger than when just watching dance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The culmination of Laban\u2019s movement choirs was the Festzug der Gewerbe <\/em>(\u201cParade of Trades\u201d) in Vienna in 1929. The procession was attended by 10,000 performers, from dancers to actors. Among them were blacksmiths, tailors and bakers. The dance was inspired by the rhythms and movements of different types of work. Laban did a lot of choreography for festivals that became popular during the period, which were often one-off large-scale dance events. Festivals also challenged the perceived bourgeois conventions of theatre by blurring the distinction between spectator and performer, and Laban\u2019s movement choirs and activities with dance enthusiasts were well suited to this purpose.[67]<\/a> Another key interest in Laban\u2019s artistic work was the theatrical forms of dance that combined dance and pantomime.[68]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Laban\u2019s work in dance education and art progressed in parallel with his theoretical understanding of movement. A complex theory of movement developed over decades of research. These theories combined the experiential nature of dance with systematic observation and analysis of movement. The book Die Welt des T\u00e4nzers <\/em>(\u201cThe World of the Dancer\u201d), published in 1920, opens up Laban\u2019s ideas on the basic principles of dance and movement. Although structured more as a collection of notes than a systematic treatise, the book had a strong influence on dance and its teaching, particularly in Germany, the United States and the United Kingdom. The book also established Laban as a leading figure in the new dance phenomenon developing in Germany.[69]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Laban\u2019s term kinesphere refers to the space surrounding the body. Various geometric constructions \u2013 a cube, an octagon or even an icosahedron with 20 different surfaces \u2013 made the kinesphere visible in different ways and allowed it to be explored in movement. At the same time, the forms symbolised the relationship between nature and dance, with the aim of restoring the relationship between humans and the cosmos.[70]<\/a> Laban did not completely deny the ballet tradition, but sought a new relationship with it. As early as the 1920s, he articulated his theories, including his spatial theory of movement (Space Harmony or Choreutics), which was based on the geometric system of ballet and sought to develop it further. In 1926, Laban presented his system based on the dynamics and rhythm of movement, called Eukinetics(from the Greek eu<\/em>, good, and kinesis<\/em>, movement). Its aim was the harmony of movement: a balanced connection with the world through dance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The project to notate movement began as early as 1924. As the movement choirs grew larger and larger, notation became an important tool in their planning. Eventually, in 1928, the system became known as kinetography or Labanotation. <\/em>Laban wanted the system to be simple, but suitable for notation of all types of motion. Labanotation symbols could be used to write down movement, including all body parts, as well as the spatial characteristics, dynamics and rhythm of the movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Working with ordinary citizens made Laban aware of the link between the choreographer\u2019s work and the dancers\u2019 skills, and this motivated him to develop a training system for dancers. For research and the training of dancers, teachers and notators, Laban established schools and artistic research institutes. Many of them provided practice for movement choirs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the 1940s and 50s, Laban\u2019s research became increasingly theoretical, while his artistic activities declined. Effort theory, developed in the 1940s, extended earlier studies of dance towards the analysis of all kinds of movement. The theory is based on the notion of dynamic rhythm as the basis for all human activity, both physical and mental. The intrinsic motivation to move, for example as a result of an emotion or thought, is seamlessly linked to the physical movement actually happening. Effort theorysees movement as a transformative and dynamic continuum that can be analysed through four elements: space, force, time and flow. Each element has two opposite extremes between which dynamic variation occurs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Space refers to a way of relating to the spatiality of a movement, and is divided into \u201cdirect\u201d and \u201cindirect.\u201d In the first case, the direction of movement is clear and controlled, such as pointing a finger or hammering a nail. In contrast, the direction is constantly changing and mutating, such as tying a shoelace or walking in a crowd.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Time is more an internal and intuitive relationship with time than a measurable value. Time is \u201csustained,\u201d for example, when dragging one\u2019s feet or in seductive gestures that stretch the duration of a movement. \u201cSudden,\u201d in contrast, is associated with haste and acceleration, such as catching a falling object in mid-air or a startle.[71]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n InEffort theory, <\/em>each movement is the result of the simultaneous action of several components, and different combinations produce different qualities of movement. These movement patterns, in turn, are related to the personality of the mover. Laban developed the system in collaboration with engineer Frederick C. Lawrence and assistant Lisa Ullmann by analysing body movement in industrial work. The information it provides relates not only to the expressiveness of movement, but also to its functionality and efficiency.[72]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div><\/details>\n\n\n\n Laban\u2019s movement analysis and notation system have spread worldwide. Several systems based on Labanotation have been developed in countries such as Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States. The Trinity Laban Conservatoire of Music and Dance in London is not only an important centre for documentation and research into Laban\u2019s legacy, but is also renowned for its dance training.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Mary Wigman\u2019s (1886\u20131973) career as a dancer, choreographer and teacher began to develop immediately after the end of the First World War. Like Laban, she saw dance as a primary, independent art, not subordinate to music or narrative. Wigman had studied at the Institut Jaques-Dalcroze (1910\u201312) (see Hellerau and Transnational Modern Dance<\/a>), where she was introduced to improvisation. However, she felt that Dalcroze\u2019s way of tying movement strictly to music limited her expression, and to emphasise movement she became Laban\u2019s student in the Monte Verit\u00e0 community. Later, both Wigman and Suzanne Perrottet, a former assistant of Jaques-Dalcroze, assisted Laban in the systematic analysis of movement and the development of its theories.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The basic idea of Dalcroze Eurhythmics or rhythmic gymnastics (also Dalcroze method) was to make music visible through the movement of the body. Dalcroze saw music education as a spiritual and physical cultivation of the body and soul as a whole. Each student had a unique heartbeat rhythm, and therefore each body responded differently to music. The first step of the method was listening, focusing on the rhythms within the body and the music, as awareness of rhythms was the pathway to the release of personal expression.[73]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n The exercises were based on the structure of the music, not on the interpretation of the musical expression. They included foot rhythm patterns, tapping, moving through space at different speeds and dynamics, or responding to the sound of the piano with movement, stops or changes in movement. In exercises requiring coordination, one hand could move in 4\/4 time and the other in 3\/8 time. Exercises were always performed to the music, never against the rhythm of the music. In addition, practice was group work \u2013 duets, trios, larger groups moving together, in canon, in different rhythms, etc. \u2013 as opposed to the individual performance of ballet, for example. Individual expression was important to Dalcroze, but as part of a community. Exercises could be done both neutrally, i.e. emphasising the technical side, or with stylistic and expressive elements, resulting in choreographic compositions, plastique anim\u00e9e<\/em>.[74]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Dalcroze\u2019s way of understanding music and movement as expressive elements had a decisive influence on the international development of many dance modernisms. His Hellerau school was visited by Sergei Diaghilev and Vaslav Nijinsky, for example, who used eurhythmics to help him work with Stravinsky\u2019s music in The Rite of Spring<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div><\/details>\n\n\n\n During the First World War, Mary Wigman moved with Laban to Zurich, in the Swiss Neutral Zone. There, the Cabaret Voltaire, founded in 1916, became the headquarters of early Dada, with its multi-artistic stage as a playground that challenged the conventions of art. In addition to poetry, also drama, action, dance and puppetry were the subjects of anarchist experimentation by the Dadaists. Dada was a reaction to the shock of the First World War, and the Dadaists strongly questioned the institutionalisation of art, its distance from real life and the role of the individual in art. They were counterbalanced by collective action, deconstruction, shocking events, chaos, satire and irony. Later, Dada\u2019s influence was central to performance art, happenings and also to Judson Dance Theater\u2019s ideas about everyday life as dance or about the self-consciousness and self-irony of dance.[75]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Many Laban\u2019s students regularly attended Cabaret Voltaire events, notably Suzanne Perrottet, Claire Walther and Sophie Taeuber. Wigman began to use the term Absoluter Tanz <\/em>(absolute dance) to describe the bright and simple dance she developed, in which neither costumes nor lights adorned or concealed the dance\u2019s imperfections. She said the term comes from Taeuber\u2019s performances, where, like in other Dada dances, the simple gestures and movements of the dance became central.[76]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Wigman focused on dance as a completely independent element and an all-encompassing dance movement. In her dances, Dada can also be seen in the use of masks and costumes, as in the solo Witch Dance <\/em>(Hexentanz<\/em>). The first version dates back to 1914,[77]<\/a> but the final form of the dance was sketched in 1926, with Wigman dressed in a cape-like garment and wearing a mask inspired by Japanese Noh theatre. The dance takes place both in silence and to the accompaniment of various percussion instruments such as cymbals. The masking of the face helps the dancer to enter an altered consciousness and the grotesque figure of a witch.[78]<\/a> Wigman\u2019s use of different ways of covering the body with masks, robes, capes or contrasts of light and shadow took the attention away from the body and into the movement itself.[79]<\/a> The use of percussion instruments limited the musical element, which for Wigman was primarily a dynamic content, not a linear source of order or dramaturgy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In the dance, the figure of the witch led Wigman towards a metamorphosis in which she indulged in \u201csome kind of evil greed I felt in my hands which pressed themselves clawlike into the ground as if they had wanted to take root.\u201d[80]<\/a> For Wigman, this altered way of being and experience (Erlebnis<\/em>) was the essence of dance. The dancer was outside herself in an ecstatic state of being, in another reality, while something from within the dancer was transmitted through this bodily way of being. The dancing body was a multi-layered reality, composed not only of concrete but also of psychological and emotional elements. The relationship between the dancer and the audience was described by Wigman as \u201ca fire dancing between two poles.\u201d[81]<\/a> Sondra Fraleigh reads this as a living kinetic connection, an inter-bodily intersubjective experience. The dancer dances the bodies of all that exist, reaching towards a universal humanity, but at the same time she is unique as an individual.[82]<\/a> Wigman\u2019s dances expanded our understanding of the expressive possibilities of dance, while the shared experience also questioned perceiving dances through an intellectual communication.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Wigman\u2019s dance was seen as more immediate and instantaneous than Rudolf Laban\u2019s art.[83]<\/a> For Wigman, the experiential nature of dance contained a passion similar to that expressed in the writings of contemporaries Isadora Duncan or Lo\u00efe Fuller. However, some of Wigman\u2019s dances were darker in nature, with characters such as witches, enraged spirits or demons.[84]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Many early modern dance forms reflected nationalism in several ways. The idea of a national identity was present in the American SelfofIsadora Duncan\u2019s dances, while Wigman\u2019s dances, like Laban\u2019s, reflected the (mythical) \u201cGermanness\u201d of the period. The existence of a kind of national essentialist identity was expressed in the dances, for example, as utopias of community, a universally understood Germanness and the \u201cGerman soul\u201d that Wigman danced.[85]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Wigman approached dance as a strong mental and emotional exercise. The work was based on a series of different ways of moving, such as shaking, swaying, twisting, undulating, falling or reaching. These served as engines of embodiment and helped the dancer to establish contact with her inner movement and her own way of moving.[86]<\/a> Improvisation was central not only to Wigman\u2019s performances and choreography, but also to her teaching, as both technique and composition were taught through improvisation. Wigman also wrote prolifically about her theories and her vision of an evolving modern dance.[87]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Wigman had a very special relationship with space. She experienced it as sensual and immediate and said she could feel the touch of space on her skin. On a symbolic level, space represented the cosmos.[88]<\/a> Both Laban\u2019s and Wigman\u2019s thinking about movement in space (Raum<\/em>) was well developed by the 1920s. Wigman\u2019s dance was special because of its kinetic and ecstatic energy. In her dance she was a dynamic force rather than a recognisable human being: a spatial, genderless and faceless energy, a kind of \u201cfigure in space\u201d (Gestalt im Raum<\/em>).[89]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n At the same time, for Wigman, physicality was only the first step in composition. Each dance required its own form and structure, which in turn depended on expression and emotion: the dance was an external form of inner feeling.[90]<\/a> The structure of a dance had to be extremely carefully worked out, clear and simple, so that the content was conveyed through it. This precise form contributed to allowing the performer to indulge in the ecstasy of dancing. In 1933, Wigman summed up her ideas about dance<\/p>\n\n\n\n Dance is the unification of expression and function, Wigman rose to fame as a solo dancer due to her dramatic and profound use of the body. She is the best known of the many solo dancers of the Weimar Republic who developed and disseminated Ausdruckstanz, <\/em>with a widevariety of styles and varying dancing skills, and toured extensively in Germany and abroad.[92]<\/a> It was not central to Ausdruckstanz <\/em>toclassify dancing stylistically, to develop unchanging methods and techniques, or to build a canon with a repertoire of specific choreographies. Since there are relatively few descriptions or other documentation of the dances themselves, reconstructing individual dances is challenging. In the 1920s and 30s, German modern dance was a vibrant and globally significant phenomenon. It was more like a dynamic and mutable system, spread through the performance and teaching of dancers, than a one-way style seeking a particular tradition.[93]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n In the early 1920s, Wigman began to create not only solo performances but also group choreographies for female dancers, whom she trained at the school she opened in Dresden.[94]<\/a> While working as Laban\u2019s assistant, Wigman had been involved in directing popular movement choirs, but her only work for large crowds was Totenmal <\/em>(\u201cMonument to the Dead,\u201d 1930).<\/p>\n\n\n\n The Dresden central school, which operated in 1920\u201342, was an important centre for modern dance in Europe. At its peak, the school had 11 branches, where nearly 2,000 dancers studied in the early 1930s, many of them international students.[95]<\/a> With them, Wigman\u2019s methods spread around the world.[96]<\/a> The influence of Wigman\u2019s dance also extended to butoh, as butoh pioneer Kazuo Ono and the artists Eiko and Koma studied with Wigman\u2019s followers. (See Butoh\u2019s Revolutionary Aesthetics and Influence on Contemporary Western Dance<\/a>) Also a significant number of students came to Laban\u2019s schools from abroad. During the interwar period, schools were established all over Central Europe. In 1927, for example, there were nearly 30 Laban schools in Germany, Czechoslovakia and Switzerland.[97]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Following the success of Wigman\u2019s first United States tour, the New York Wigman School was founded in 1931 at the height of Wigman\u2019s international career and long-time student Hanya Holm was sent to head the school. The heated debate surrounding Wigman\u2019s collaboration with the National Socialists eventually led to the school\u2019s name being changed in 1936 to the Hanya Holm Studio.<\/p>\n\n\n\n After the National Socialists came to power in 1933, the Ministry of Culture began to emphasise the \u201cGerman character\u201d of dance. Cabaret culture was thought to be degenerating and, like many other modernist art forms, was largely declared a decadent art form and censored. Jewish performers were persecuted and many fled to places such as England, the United States, Austria or France. However, several forms of Ausdruckstanz <\/em>were harnessed by the National Socialists, by pruning away inappropriate aesthetics and content. Such collaboration was possible in part because of the fear and resistance to the modernisation of the society associated with early modern dance at the turn of the twentieth century. Dance sought salvation through the natural body, and the same utopian idealisation of the \u201chealthy body\u201d was part of the discourse of fascism.[97]<\/a> The heterogeneous and vibrant dance scene of the Weimar period was considerably reduced in size. Under National Socialism, the unifying term \u201cGerman dance\u201d (Deutscher Tanz<\/em>) was used, with a nationalist and racist connotation.[99]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Lilian Karina and Marion Kant describe the period of National Socialism as a triumph of mass opportunism. Few dance makers actively opposed National Socialist values or showed any sympathy or awareness of the gravity of the situation. The actions of important German dance makers are shrouded in a veil, as there is little mention or links with National Socialism in biographies of Laban, Wigman, Gret Palucca or Harald Kreutzberg. It was only in the 1980s and 90s that the almost taboo role of modern dance in the activities of the National Socialists began to be explored.[100]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Rudolf Laban played a key role in the reorganisation of dance under National Socialism. While working for the Ministry of Culture as the head of the Germanstage dance (Deutsche Tanzb\u00fchne<\/em>), he designed the basis for dance education at the Deutsche Meister-St\u00e4tten f\u00fcr Tanz <\/em>(German Masters\u2019 Institute for Dance), which began its work in 1936. Laban codified improvisation exercises and created a new kind of dance curriculum. Wigman, Palucca and Berthe Tr\u00fcmpy expelled dancers and teachers of Jewish origin from their schools as soon as the National Socialists came to power, even before expulsion became compulsory. In July 1933, Wigman and her successors joined the educational and cultural organisations set up by the National Socialists, and Wigman encouraged all graduates of her school to do the same. She also agreed to have the curriculum of her school adapted to the requirements of the Ministry of Culture.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The harnessing of body culture for National Socialist purposes as a massive group exercise can be understood from Leni Riefenstahl\u2019s film Fest der Sch\u00f6nheit <\/em>(\u201cFestival of Beauty,\u201d 1938). In it, thousands of Aryan women gymnastically perform in unison and with discipline in the Olympic stadium in Berlin. In the film, gymnastics serves as propaganda for a utopian, purified community centred on a strong, controlled and agile body.[101]<\/a> Laban\u2019s well-known statement about dance belonging to everyone \u2013 jeder Mensch ist ein T\u00e4nzer<\/em>; everyone is a dancer \u2013 became a call for almost compulsive group exercise,[102]<\/a> which glorified athletic embodiment in line with National Socialist ideology.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Wigman sought support for her work from the Ministry of Culture and was even prepared to make artistic concessions to obtain it, but stressed that her art was separate from politics.[103]<\/a> However, in her book Deutsche Tanzkunst <\/em>(\u201cGerman Dance Art,\u201d 1935), Wigman describes how the focus of her dance shifted from universal experience to support National Socialist ideas of the \u201cordinary\u201d people (Volk<\/em>).[104]<\/a> The ideas of many dance makers about \u201cGerman dance\u201d were disseminated through publications funded by the National Socialists. Goebbels\u2019 Ministry of Culture funded dance art and organised dance festivals (1934, 1935). These culminated in the opening of the 1936 Berlin Olympics, with the participation of hundreds of dancers, including Wigman and Kreutzberg. At the last minute, the movement choreographed by Laban, Vom Tauwind und der Neuen Freude <\/em>(\u201cOf Spring Wind and New Joy\u201d), was removed from the repertoire because of its supposedly dubious content.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The dance curriculum Laban built was implemented until the end of the Second World War, long after he fled Germany in 1937 after falling out of favour with the Ministry of Culture. Laban moved first to Paris and finally to England in 1938. Wigman also fell out of favour and gave her last solo concert in 1942. She abandoned her dance school, moving first to Leipzig and in 1949, to West Berlin.<\/p>\n\n\n\n After 1936, the Ministry of Culture emphasised lighter art dance and wanted to break away from Laban\u2019s intellectual dance.[105]<\/a> For Goebbels, dance was all about the presentation of beautiful female bodies.[106]<\/a> In 1940 he instructed the dance department to break away from political and intellectual, doctrinaire dance: \u201cDance must address the senses and not the brain. Otherwise it is not dance any more but philosophy. Then I would rather read Schopenhauer than go to the theater.\u201d[107]<\/a> In addition to problems and war, there was a need for more entertaining content. Ballet was becoming increasingly popular and was seen as a suitable form of entertainment. Folk dances also received a great deal of state support, as they were perceived as being close to the people, as their name suggests.[108]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Susan Manning argues that the collaboration between modern dance makers and National Socialists was partly rooted in a similar (utopian) ideology of the early twentieth century concerning an alternative lifestyle in which community and body culture were keys to escape from modern industrial society. The changing political and economic circumstances of the Weimar period and, finally, the depression of the 1930s drove dancers to seek continuity in the support provided by the National Socialists. Scholars disagree on how much of the collaboration stemmed from shared political perspectives and how much from the pursuit of economic interests. At the same time, the confusing bureaucracy of the Ministry of Culture was conducive to a cunning tactic of promising dance makers opportunities to work independently, while constantly changing policies prevented dance from establishing itself along the paths envisaged by the makers.[109]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\nEarly 20th Century Body and Dance<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
The Evolution of Serpentine Dance<\/summary>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/08\/maud_allan-salome.jpg\")
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/08\/JosephineBakerorkestereineen.jpg\")
<\/a>Cabaret and Charleston as Expressions of Modernism \u2013 Josephine Baker<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/08\/JosephineBaker.jpg\")
<\/a>Flourishing Dance of the Weimar Republic<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Weimar Cabaret<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/10\/Valeska-Gert-Canaille-Suse-Byk-1-843x1024.jpg\")
<\/a>![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/08\/MoretonHall.jpg\")
<\/a>Free Dance, Dance Education and Movement Choirs \u2013 Rudolf Laban<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/09\/LisaUllmann.jpg\")
<\/a>Laban\u2019s Theories and Labanotation<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
Effort Theory<\/summary>\n
\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/10\/MaryWigman.jpg\")
<\/a>Dynamic Body and Space \u2013 Mary Wigman<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
The Dalcroze Principles<\/summary>\n
![\"\"](\"https:\/\/disco.teak.fi\/tanssin-historia\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/10\/MaryWigman-Noitatanssista-1.jpg\")
<\/a>Mary Wigman\u2019s Methods and International Influence<\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Illumined physicality and inspirited form.
Without ecstasy no dance! Without form no dance!<\/p>\n[91]<\/a><\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\nDance in National Socialist Germany<\/h2>\n\n\n\n